Friday, July 29, 2005

North Korea getting high marks from U.S.

North Korea Getting High Marks From U.S.

By BARRY SCHWEID, AP Diplomatic WriterFri Jul 29, 4:51 PM ET

Having been denounced by President Bush as part of an "axis of evil," and its leader Kim Jong Il dismissed by former U.S. negotiator John R. Bolton as a "tyrannical rogue," North Korea is suddenly getting high marks from the Bush administration.

Officials are crediting North Korea with being cooperative in the current round of nuclear weapons talks in China and agreeing that the Korean peninsula should be denuclearized.

North Korea is putting ideas on the table that could contribute to the foundation of an eventual agreement, and the atmosphere is different in the new round of talks, State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said Friday.

"I think all would agree that we have a continuing good atmosphere," McCormack said after another one-on-one meeting between U.S. negotiator Christopher Hill and his North Korean counterpart.

The round has gone so well that all six parties — North Korea. China, Japan, South Korea, Russia and the United States — are working on a statement of principles that could evolve into an agreement, McCormack said.

And, he said, "you have all the parties agreeing what the goal of the six-party talks is now: a denuclearized Korean peninsula."

The fact that the United States is having one-on-one talks with North Korea may contribute to the brighter mood, though the administration is taking a nonchalant public stance on the development.

"You'll find if you look back through the history books" that bilateral talks have been part of the six-nation negotiations since they began in August 2003, McCormack said.

And, he said, Hill has met separately also with members of the South Korean, Japanese and Chinese delegations.

But these were what McCormack called "pull-asides," a usually brief exchange. Hill's five one-on-one sessions with North Korean Vice Foreign Minister Kim Kye Gwan have been more extensive and in apparent response to persistent North Korean demands for the form of bargaining pursued by the Clinton administration.

That produced an agreement in 1994 that froze North Korea's nuclear facilities in exchange for energy assistance. But North Korea eight years later was found to have been in violation of that agreement by starting up an enriched uranium operation, according to U.S. officials.

The Bush administration hesitated at first to try to resume negotiations but finally did in a six-nation format.

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, interviewed Thursday on PBS' "NewsHour," said any agreement in which North Korea gave up its nuclear weapons "is really only going to be achieved in a six-party framework."

Rice dismissed what she called "breakout sessions in which people talk directly" as not unusual in negotiations involving several countries.

In fact, McCormack said Friday, the statement of principles in the works is a result of consultation with the Japanese, Chinese, South Korean and Russian delegations, as well as the North Koreans.

Sunday, July 10, 2005

North Korea

North Korea: Nuclear number nine?
North Korea claims to have manufactured its own nuclear weapons, which intelligence officials have long suspected. If true, the feat would make Pyongyang the ninth nuclear power. To best understand how the North's announcement will affect efforts to denuclearize the Korean peninsula, take a look at these recent Bulletin reports on U.S.-North Korean relations and North Korean nuclear capabilities:

Article #5

How much plutonium does North Korea have?

A physicist looks at the data and comes up with some answers

s July ended and this issue of the Bulletin was sent to the printer, the public was startled by the nuclear allegations of a North Korean defector.

Kang Myong Do, who said he was the son-in-law of Kang Sung San, North Korea's prime minister, was unveiled July 27 at a press conference by South Korean intelligence officials some two months after defecting through a third country.

According to the defector, the North Koreans not only have a nuclear weapons program--contrary to their frequent professions of innocence--but it has been wildly successful. The Pyongyang government, Kang said, has produced five bombs, and it intends to churn out five more. At some point, he added, North Korea would reveal the extent of its arsenal to the West, and use the weapons as leverage to gain concessions from the United States and to prop up the Kim Jong Il regime.

The immediate reaction of U.S. intelligence and State Department officials was one of intense disbelief. "There is a debate within our own intelligence community about the exact parameters of the North Korean nuclear program," noted Mike McCurry, a State Department spokesman. "But the information provided by this defector falls well beyond and well outside of those parameters."

A spokesman for the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) dismissed the defector's words, saying they were not "plausible." The South Korean government itself said the defector's story was "groundless."

The consensus seemed to be that Kang was either repeating uninformed hearsay or that he was lying--either to spread disinformation or to ingratiate himself with the South Korean government.

At press time, it looked as if Kang's story would be just one more footnote in the continuing effort to untangle the secrets of the North Korean program. Meanwhile, on these pages, I summarize and interpret the best information so far available on the nuclear program.

U.S. intelligence discovered in the early to mid-1980s that North Korea was building a small nuclear reactor at Yongbyon, about 100 kilometers north of the capital of Pyongyang. The reactor was described as a gas-cooled, graphite-moderated model similar to those Britain and France used to produce electric power as well as plutonium for nuclear weapons. When Western nations expressed concern about the reactor, Russia pressed North Korea to sign the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT), which it did on December 12, 1985.

With the reactor apparently to be brought under international safeguards, Western interest in North Korean nuclear development waned, and little attention was paid even after the reactor began operating in 1986.

After signing the NPT, however, North Korea stalled on signing the required safeguards agreement that allows the International Atomic Energy Agency to inspect nuclear facilities. Then, in 1989, the press reported that a long, narrow structure at Yongbyon looked very much like a plutonium reprocessing plant. Such a plant would allow North Korea to separate plutonium from the other elements in spent reactor fuel, raising the possibility that the plutonium was destined for use in a weapon program.

Reports soon followed that the North was building a second, much larger gas-graphite reactor expressly to produce a large quantity of weapon plutonium. Some reports also claimed that high-explosive testing at Yongbyon constituted yet another element of a North Korean nuclear weapon program.

With international pressure building--and after years of diplomatic wrangling--the North and the IAEA finally concluded a safeguards agreement in January 1992. It appeared that the growing political crisis over the North's nuclear intentions was at last over.

The first inspections

On May 4, 1992, North Korea gave the IAEA its "initial declaration"--a statement of all its nuclear material subject to safeguards. The IAEA began inspections to verify the initial disclosure and to assess its completeness. Soon afterward, Hans Blix, the IAEA's director general, visited North Korea for the first time. Among the sites his delegation visited was the unfinished plutonium separation facility, which North Korean officials call the "Radiochemical Laboratory." North Korean officials told the IAEA that they had used the facility to separate a mere 100 grams of plutonium in the spring of 1990. They said the plutonium came from a few fuel rods that were removed from the reactor when their metal casing or "cladding" was damaged during reactor operations.

IAEA officials also toured the North's three gas-graphite reactors, only one of which was--and is--in operation. At Yongbyon, the IAEA delegation visited the small operational reactor as well as a 200-megawatt (thermal) reactor that was under construction. And the delegation flew to the construction site of an even larger reactor being built at Taechon in North Pyongan Province.

Shortly after this visit, Blix told a press conference in Beijing that the Radiochemical Laboratory building was about 80 percent complete but that only about 40 percent of the processing equipment was installed. North Korean officials told the IAEA that the rest of the equipment was on order but had not yet been delivered. When asked about the "Radiochemical Laboratory," Blix said, "I have no doubt that it would have been considered a reprocessing plant in our terminology." [1]

Discrepancies

During its initial inspections in the summer of 1992, the IAEA collected "samples" of material caught in the various processing steps as well as different types of nuclear waste generated during those separation processes. According to one IAEA official, the facility operators were willing--but not technically prepared--to take samples from the waste stored at the site. When inspectors asked for samples of highly radioactive fission-product waste, North Korean technicians had to improvise to get to the waste. (North Korean officials have since complained that this procedure resulted in some workers receiving greater-than-allowed doses of radiation.)

The samples were analyzed at the IAEA laboratory in Seibersdorf, Austria, and by affiliated laboratories in Europe and the United States. These analyses uncovered discrepancies that led the IAEA to suspect that the North had separated more plutonium than it admitted.

One set of analyses called into question the North's claim that plutonium had been separated only in March 1990. The IAEA took "smear" or "swipe" samples from the insides of glove boxes at the end of the separation process, where freshly purified plutonium is handled. They analyzed the samples for americium 241, a decay product of plutonium 241, to discover how much time had passed since the plutonium was separated. The decay-product test suggested that North Korea had in fact separated plutonium in 1989, 1990, and 1991.

In another test, the IAEA tried to verify that the plutonium declared by the North and the plutonium found in the waste came from the same source--the irradiated fuel rods that North Korean officials said had been damaged. The IAEA compared the ratios of plutonium isotopes in several waste and glove box samples to the ratios in the separated plutonium. Both the plutonium and the trace quantities of plutonium remaining in the waste should have had the same proportion of plutonium isotopes 239, 240, and 241. Instead, the IAEA found that the ratio of plutonium 240 in the waste samples differed from that in the separated material.

A third inconsistency involved the degree of irradiation of the fuel North Korea claimed to have processed during its single reprocessing campaign. The isotopic ratios of the separated plutonium and the plutonium recovered from the waste were not consistent with the North's report of the fuel's irradiation history.

One IAEA official familiar with the inspections said most of the inspectors concluded that the North had separated more plutonium than it had declared. But they had no way of knowing how much more. It could have been grams or kilograms.

When questioned, the North stuck to its original story, denying that it had separated more plutonium than it had declared, and either ignoring or challenging the technical basis of the IAEA's conclusions. North Korean officials said that the original fuel core was still in the reactor--and to have separated as much as kilograms of plutonium, the North would have had to unload much of the fuel.

Hidden waste sites

Meanwhile, the IAEA began to receive disquieting intelligence reports that the North had hidden two of its nuclear waste sites. A U.S. official said that this information showed that they had been camouflaged just before the start of the IAEA's inspections. The IAEA therefore asked to inspect the sites to see if they contained radioactive waste that had been generated during reprocessing.

U.S. satellite photos taken over many years show what appear to be two nuclear waste sites near the Radiochemical Laboratory; the sites are big enough to hold large quantities of both liquid and solid nuclear waste.

One set of photos shows a suspected outdoor waste site believed to be associated with an earlier Russian-supplied IRT (8-megawatt thermal) research reactor that has been under IAEA safeguards since 1977. In early photos the facility's layout resembles waste sites found near other Soviet-supplied research reactors. These sites have a distinctive pattern of round and square holes in an above-ground concrete structure that holds liquid and solid nuclear waste. One Western official said it closely resembled a waste site near a Soviet-supplied IRT research reactor in Iraq. Later photos show that the site has been covered and landscaped, effectively hiding it from inspectors and satellite surveillance. The waste site that the North did declare is located nearby; the new site is barely used.

The second hidden waste site is said to be in a building about 50 meters long that could be connected to the Radiochemical Laboratory by underground pipes. This building is about 150 meters east of the Radiochemical Laboratory and is separated from it by a small hill. Early photos show a two-story building with two trenches connecting it to the Radiochemical Laboratory. In more recent photos, however, the building appears to be of only one story because dirt has been pushed up around it, concealing the lower floor. The trenches have been filled in. The IAEA wants to know if the lower level of this building contains tanks that hold reprocessing waste.

Inspectors who visited this building in the summer of 1992 found no evidence of the lower floor, but could only conduct a visual inspection. But in late 1992 and early 1993, agency inspectors asked specifically for access to this building and permission to take samples from the space under the floor. North Korean officials refused to allow them to visit either site, claiming they were both exempt non-nuclear military facilities. (At the start of their visits, officials had told inspectors they could visit any site they wanted, even if it had not been mentioned in the North's initial declaration.)

At loggerheads

By February 1993, the IAEA and the North had reached an impasse; the IAEA announced that it could not confirm the North's initial declaration of its inventory of plutonium. Meanwhile, the North continued to refuse to cooperate. On February 25, 1993, the IAEA's board of governors gave North Korea until March 25 to agree to "special inspections" of the two hidden nuclear waste sites at Yongbyon. The North responded by declaring on March 12 that it would withdraw from the NPT. A few months later, in another bizarre twist, the North "suspended" its withdrawal; it now claims to have a "unique status" in relation to the treaty.

Over the next year, the North engaged in a series of negotiations with the IAEA and the United States on the conditions for inspections to resume. These negotiations did not end the crisis, reestablish safeguard inspections, or shed any light on the North's initial declaration.

On April 8, 1994, the North shut down the small reactor to prepare to start unloading the core in early May. U.S. Defense Secretary William Perry made headlines by telling the National Press Club on May 3 that the spent fuel would contain enough plutonium for four or five nuclear bombs.

The IAEA wanted to view the unloading to insure that the North did not divert any spent fuel. And the agency expected to set aside a few hundred of the thousands of fuel rods from a variety of locations in the core. An examination of the rods could determine whether it was the original fuel core as the North claimed. But by May 12 North Korea had started unloading the reactor--without the safeguards measures the IAEA had requested--precipitating yet another crisis.

Ultimately, North Korea allowed IAEA inspectors to observe the unloading, but it refused to allow the IAEA to select and secure any fuel rods for eventual testing. During consultations in Pyongyang in May, the North said the IAEA could sample the rods after they were placed in the nearby spent fuel ponds. IAEA inspectors refused this offer because they would not know what part of the core the rods had come from. "Without such identification," according to the agency, "future measurements would be meaningless and the agency's ability to verify non-diversion would be lost."

In a May 27 letter to the members of the U.N. Security Council, Blix reported that "the fuel discharge operation at the reactor was proceeding at a very fast rate which was not in line with information previously conveyed to the agency." Blix warned that if the unloading continued at the same rate, within a few days the agency would lose forever the opportunity to select fuel rods for later measurements.

When they first announced that they were unloading the fuel from the reactor, North Korean officials told the IAEA that the process would take two months. But Blix wrote in his May 27 letter that half the fuel was already unloaded. U.S. officials said the North was using a new, faster unloading machine that Western intelligence had not seen before. An IAEA official said in an interview that the new machine was delivered to the reactor a few weeks before unloading began. Another IAEA official said in an interview that the North was unloading 24 hours a day.

By June 2, Blix had concluded that it was too late to sample the fuel rods systematically. In a letter to the Security Council, he wrote that the IAEA's ability to determine past diversions had been "seriously eroded." He added that because the North had refused to allow special inspections of the suspect waste sites and because it was unloading the reactor core without the IAEA's required verification measures, the IAEA had lost the opportunity to "achieve the overall objective of comprehensive safeguards in [North Korea], namely, to provide assurance about the non-diversion of nuclear material."

At this point, a host of American commentators and members of Congress called for President Clinton to take decisive action to halt the North Korean program. However, former president Jimmy Carter defused the crisis--at least temporarily--with a trip to North Korea, where he conducted his own low-key brand of unofficial diplomacy.

Reconstructing past activities and developing adequate safeguards on the North Korean program requires more extensive North Korean cooperation than has been demonstrated so far. However, following Carter's mediation with North Korean leader Kim Il Sung in mid-June, such cooperation seemed to be forthcoming. The North agreed to "freeze" its nuclear program, which includes a pledge not to reload the small reactor with fresh fuel or to reprocess the discharged fuel while bilateral negotiations with the United States proceed. The North also agreed to allow two IAEA inspectors to remain at the reactor site to verify that reloading or reprocessing have not occurred.

A first priority of the negotiations is finding ways to delay reprocessing (see "Rust Never Sleeps," page 49). If these methods are instituted, the North's pledge could remain in effect long enough to find a satisfactory solution to this crisis.

Whatever happens, North Korea must account for its plutonium and abide by the NPT. The North will need to supply significantly more information about the past operation of its nuclear facilities, as well as its intentions for its nuclear reactors that remain under construction.

Production reactors

Technical reasons may make it difficult for North Korea to maintain its no-reprocessing pledge. The small reactor and the two others under construction use a design that depends on carbon dioxide gas cooling and graphite moderation. In the West, this type of reactor is called a magnox or gas-graphite reactor.

Britain and France developed this reactor type in the 1950s to make plutonium for nuclear weapons and to produce electricity. Its design is largely unclassified and the reactors are straightforward to build. The North appears capable of building them without significant foreign assistance.

The disadvantage of this type of reactor is that its spent fuel must eventually be processed, whether or not one wishes to recover the plutonium for weapon purposes. It is difficult to store spent magnox fuel safely for an extended period or to dispose of it in a geological repository.

North Korean fuel rods are encased in a magnesium alloy. This "cladding" breaks down if the rods are stored in water or exposed to moisture. If the uranium metal is exposed to air, radioactive material may escape and the uranium fuel oxidizes or "rusts." The uranium fuel can, under some conditions, ignite spontaneously if exposed to air. If it burns, a significant fraction of the radioactive materials can be released into the environment.

Although North Korea's choice of gas-graphite reactors increased suspicions about its interest in developing nuclear weapons, North Korean officials told the IAEA that they chose gas-graphite designs because they could develop them without foreign assistance. But this answer does not eliminate the fact that these reactors can produce weapon-grade plutonium relatively easily.

The plutonium calculus

Construction of the North's first reactor began in 1980. According to U.S. officials, the North began operating the reactor in 1986 and, for the first few years, experienced a number of start-up problems. However, by 1990 or 1991, these officials say, it was operating at 20-30 megawatts (thermal). One official added that U.S. intelligence agencies cannot determine with any accuracy the power output of the reactor during its first few years of operation.

The North describes the reactor as a 5-megawatt power reactor. This is an apparent attempt to direct attention away from its potential military purposes. The reactor's output of plutonium depends on its total energy output--its thermal power--not its capacity to produce electricity. (Since estimates of the reactor's thermal power range between 20 and 30 megawatts, I have used 25 megawatts in my calculations.)

Although the fuel remains in the reactor for several years, the total irradiation of discharged fuel is small. But the fuel is irradiated long enough to insure that enough weapon-grade plutonium has been produced to make reprocessing worthwhile. The level of irradiation is measured in terms of "fuel burnup" or the total amount of energy extracted per metric ton of fuel.

To replace the fuel in the core, the reactor must be shut down for unloading and reloading. The reactor core contains about 50 metric tons of natural uranium fuel in the form of short fuel rods. Each is about 50 centimeters long, 3 centimeters in diameter, and weighs about 6.2 kilograms. The core just discharged contained about 7,700 of these rods in 812 fuel channels. About 300 damaged fuel elements were removed from the reactor between 1989 and April 1994. Each channel can hold as many as 10 fuel rods, stacked one on top of the other. The reactor is loaded and unloaded through the top of the core.

How much plutonium does North Korea have? I derive the upper bound on plutonium production by assuming that the reactor has operated at full power about 80 percent of the time. Such consistent operation is probably at the upper limit of the reactor's capability. This estimate also relies on the belief that the fuel core was unloaded and the reactor refueled at least once. The reactor might have produced about 6.6 kilograms of weapon-grade plutonium a year. If the reactor had operated consistently at full power 80 percent of the time, by now it would have produced a total of 53 kilograms of weapon-grade plutonium. But very few analysts believe that the reactor has operated so well.

A 1989 refueling? A more credible worst-case scenario assumes that the North unloaded the core in 1989, but that the reactor has not operated as well as assumed in the above scenario.

In December 1993, the public learned for the first time that U.S. officials thought the first core had already been unloaded. Defense Secretary Les Aspin said on the December 7 MacNeil-Lehrer NewsHour that "in 1989 the North Koreans shut down their reactor for 100 days, and that would have given them enough time" to extract at least some of the fuel. He continued: "Depending upon how much plutonium they processed and their capabilities of putting that together into a bomb, they might have gathered enough plutonium for a bomb, maybe a bomb and a half."

A U.S. official said in a June 1994 interview that Aspin's 100-day statement was meant to be a crude estimate. The actual length of the shutdown was closer to 70 days.

A 70-day shutdown appears long enough to unload the entire core and put in new fuel, as events this spring have shown. Before this recent reloading, the North told the IAEA that it would take about two months to change the core. With two machines unloading the fuel, the North took less than one month to unload all the fuel. Thus, an upper bound is that the entire core was replaced in 1989.

But U.S. and IAEA officials are skeptical about a 70-day unloading in 1989. Based on operations at Britain's Calder Hall reactor, a 70-day shutdown might have provided only enough time to unload about half the core.

In summary, these estimates imply that between one-half and all of the core--roughly 25-50 metric tons of uranium fuel--could have been unloaded in 1989.

The plutonium in the samples taken by the IAEA had a range of isotopic compositions. The bulk of each sample was plutonium 239, and about 2.25-2.5 percent of the same was plutonium 240 and plutonium 241. Based on unclassified U.S. government studies of gas-graphite reactors, irradiated fuel that contains these fractions of isotopes contains about 0.27-0.30 kilograms of weapon-grade plutonium per metric ton of fuel. [2] (I use the mid-point of this range.)

If the level measured by the IAEA represented the average irradiation level for all the fuel in the core, the entire 50-ton core would contain a total of about 14 kilograms of weapon-grade plutonium. If 25-50 metric tons of fuel were removed in 1989, that fuel would contain about 7-14 kilograms of plutonium.

To produce that much plutonium, the reactor would have had to have operated about 55 percent of the time from 1986 to 1989. A 55 percent overall rate would be consistent with the statement of a U.S. official who said the reactor operated poorly during its first year and a half of operation, and only gradually approached its nominal power.

If, however, one believes the North's declaration that it removed only damaged fuel rods, how much plutonium would it have removed in 1989? The North said that the damaged rods it processed in the Radiochemical Laboratory in 1990 contained about 0.13 kilograms of plutonium, of which about .09 was recovered, with the rest remaining in the waste or processing equipment. Using the same assumptions, the North could have extracted this amount of plutonium from about 450 kilograms of uranium fuel, or about 70 rods. The North told the IAEA that it had removed several hundred rods in all, and the remainder remain in dry storage at the reactor.

The 1994 refueling. When the reactor was shut down for refueling in April, U.S. and IAEA analysts variously estimated that the unloaded spent fuel contained 20-30 kilograms of weapon-grade plutonium. What are these estimates based on?

The irradiation levels of the current fuel rods are believed to be higher than they were for any fuel discharged in 1989. If this is the original core, the fuel would have been in the reactor for eight years, which would mean a higher burnup. If it is the second core, the fuel would have been in the core since 1989. In any case, there has probably been a higher fuel burnup because the reactor's operation is believed to have improved. If the average burnup of the fuel approached the maximal weapon-grade plutonium production for this type of reactor, the core could contain 33 kilograms of weapon-grade plutonium. To achieve this level with the original core, the reactor would have had to operate at full power an average of 55 percent of the time between 1986 and 1994. On the other hand, if this is the second core, the reactor would have had to operate at full power 85 percent of the time. The latter is not considered credible.

At the other extreme, the core could contain as little as 17 kilograms of weapon-grade plutonium if the fuel burnup was typical of early gas-graphite reactors dedicated to weapon production. If this is the first core, the reactor would have had to operate at full power only 25 percent of the time from 1986 to 1994. If it is the second core, the reactor would have had to operate at full power about 45 percent of the time from 1989 to 1994. Based on information about the reactor's operation, both of these scenarios appear to underestimate the reactor's actual performance.

In summary, the midpoint of these estimates is 25 kilograms, with a range of 17-33 kilograms.

The new reactors. The North has worked intensely to finish the 200-megawatt thermal, 50-megawatt electric gas-graphite reactor at Yongbyon. The earliest possible startup date for this reactor is late 1995, although U.S. Defense Secretary William Perry said recently that it will probably be a few years before it is completed.

According to inspectors, the exterior of the reactor is largely finished but the interior requires more work. According to one U.S. official, the North added electricity-production capability just before the inspections began.

Many analysts believe that the North originally intended this reactor to be its main source of plutonium for a nuclear weapons program. They believe the North intended the small reactor to produce enough plutonium for the first few weapons, with the larger reactor the major source of plutonium thereafter. Based on the earlier U.S. estimates of plutonium production in magnox reactors, the larger reactor could eventually produce 40-53 kilograms of weapon-grade plutonium a year, enough for eight to 10 implosion-type weapons a year. (This estimate has a high degree of uncertainty. The reactor's actual thermal power could be higher or lower, and the plutonium production rate could vary.)

The 200-megawatt electric reactor at Taechon could be finished by 1996. The thermal power of this reactor is estimated at about 600-800 megawatts. If this reactor were operated to produce weapon-grade plutonium at a capacity of about 70 percent, it could produce between 140 and 180 kilograms of weapon-grade plutonium a year.

But few believe that the Taechon reactor is intended for weapon-grade plutonium production. This reactor will probably be optimized to produce electricity, meaning that it would produce plutonium that is not of weapon quality. However, it could serve as a backup production reactor if the other reactors did not produce enough weapon-grade plutonium or failed for some reason.

Separating plutonium

Producing plutonium is only the first step in making a nuclear weapon. The plutonium must next be chemically separated from irradiated fuel, and inevitably some of the plutonium is lost in the separation process. However, the North has worked on the processes associated with separating plutonium for many years and its knowledge of plutonium chemistry appears to be extensive.

Early efforts. In 1992 IAEA Director Hans Blix told the House Committee on Foreign Affairs that the North had conducted "experiments quite a number of years ago in which they identified plutonium." U.S. officials say the North conducted early laboratory-scale plutonium separation in "hot cells"--lead-shielded rooms with remote handling equipment for examining and processing radioactive materials. The Soviet Union supplied these hot cells in the 1960s or 1970s as part of the deal that included the IRT research reactor. According to IAEA officials, the North told the IAEA that it had separated only grams of plutonium in the hot cells. This separation campaign occurred before the IAEA safeguards were applied to the IRT reactor in 1977.

North Korea told the IAEA during its initial visit in May 1992 that it had scaled up from laboratory experiments to an industrial-size plant without building a pilot plant. North Korea said it often followed this course of action in industrial development. Although Western officials believe that the North could have jumped from hot cells to industrial-scale production, questions remain about the history of North Korea's plutonium separation program. Some analysts believe that the North operated a pilot plant that neither the IAEA nor intelligence services have yet discovered.

The Radiochemical Laboratory. The plutonium separation plant under construction at Yongbyon is large--180 meters long and six stories high. U.S. officials estimate that when it becomes fully operational it could theoretically process several hundred tons of spent fuel a year. They believe that it is large enough to handle the spent fuel that will be produced by all three gas-graphite reactors.

The North is believed to have received basic knowledge about reprocessing technology and chemistry many years ago from Russia and perhaps China. One inspector said that the Radiochemical Laboratory resembles a European reprocessing facility, the Eurochemic plant that operated in Belgium from 1966 until the mid-1970s. Information about this plant is largely declassified.

Some reprocessing chemicals probably came from abroad, and the Washington Post reported on April 2, 1994, that the North got stainless steel tanks from Japan. North Korea is also thought to have imported leaded glass for its hot cells. None of this implies, however, that the North has received significant foreign assistance.

The Radiochemical Laboratory had one reprocessing "line" in 1992, when inspections began. A line requires equipment to dissolve the fuel, to extract the plutonium, and to convert the plutonium into a pure form. According to one inspector, the facility's waste reduction processing section was not finished. (Plutonium separation facilities typically treat liquid waste to recover acids and other chemicals and to reduce the total volume of liquid waste that goes to the waste tanks.)

There is little hard information on the current capacity of this line to process spent fuel, but many believe that it could have processed all the fuel in the core of the small reactor before IAEA inspections began.

A preliminary estimate of its maximum annual capacity can be derived by assuming that it is sized to process all the fuel from both reactors at Yongbyon, or about 160 metric tons of fuel per year. If this estimate is accurate, it could reprocess 50 metric tons of spent fuel--an entire core--in as little as three months.

No plutonium separation process is 100 percent efficient. The North declared that it had separated 90 grams of plutonium and lost 40 grams in the waste. A loss rate over 30 percent is high, but possible, when first starting a plant. The Radiochemical Laboratory, however, should have been able to reduce its plutonium losses relatively rapidly. It seems more likely that any additional processing would have lost no more than 10 percent.

IAEA inspectors reported that a second line was nearing completion when they visited in March 1994. This line is nearly identical to the first and, when finished, will roughly double the plant's separation capacity. In addition to insuring sufficient capacity for all three reactors, the second line could also serve as a backup in case the first line fails. Such redundancies are common in newer plants.

The IAEA first learned about the second line during its initial inspections in 1992. One IAEA official said in a March 1994 interview that, during the most recent inspection, the inspectors were surprised to find that "a great deal of construction activity was going on." The IAEA did not think significant construction had taken place at the Radiochemical Laboratory since inspections began in 1992. He added, however, that the North had not allowed the IAEA to make an adequate inspection at the laboratory since spring 1993.

This official said that by March 1994 many components of the second line were installed but that it lacked the necessary instrumentation to monitor and operate the separation process. He thought the North had deliberately not finished or operated the second line.

Adding it all up

At the least, North Korea admits to having separated 100 grams of plutonium. At the most, the most believable worst-case estimate is that in 1989 North Korea removed irradiated fuel from its first reactor that contained 7-14 kilograms of weapon-grade plutonium. If fuel was unloaded in 1989 and processed during 1989-91, the North could have a total of 6-13 kilograms of separated plutonium.

A first nuclear weapon can require up to 10 kilograms of separated weapon-grade plutonium. This quantity is about twice the amount needed for the actual device, but plutonium is lost during each step in the weapon-manufacturing process. Most of the plutonium lost in these steps can be recovered and used in later weapons. The North might therefore have enough separated plutonium for one, or perhaps two, nuclear weapons.

How much more? In any case, the spent fuel unloaded this year contains an estimated 25 kilograms of weapon-grade plutonium. Using the same assumptions as above, North Korea's spent fuel contains enough plutonium for four or five nuclear weapons. However, it remains in the irradiated fuel and must be separated before it can be used. As of late July, no separation had taken place.

Bombs

Many experts believe that North Korea is capable of developing an implosion-type nuclear weapon, although there is little direct evidence that the country has done so. Although the CIA's worst-case assessment puts enough plutonium in North Korean hands to make a bomb, the agency has not claimed that North Korea actually has a nuclear explosive device. CIA officials say that North Korean scientists have not received training in nuclear weapon technologies from Russia or China. This statement implies that North Korea would have to develop its nuclear weapons largely on its own. Many believe that North Korea has as-yet-undiscovered nuclear weapons manufacturing sites.

One indication that North Korea may have a weapon program comes from the high-explosives testing conducted at Yongbyon. North Korean officials say they are using high explosives to shape metals, a technique several countries are pursuing for metals that cannot be shaped conventionally.

There are a few other signs that could point to a nuclear program. The North was reportedly interested in acquiring instruments for conducting non-nuclear tests associated with a weapons program. These tests usually involve high explosives.

U.S. intelligence agencies were quicker to suggest that the North may have a design for a first-generation implosion weapon. The mass of a device within the North's capabilities would probably be greater than 500 kilograms, but less than 1,000.

Little is known about how the North would deliver such a device. Delivery of such a device by aircraft is possible, but the substantial air defenses in North Asia would pose a serious threat to any North Korean aircraft. The North could deliver a nuclear device by ship or truck.

According to the intelligence assessments, any North Korean device would be too bulky to fit on a Scud missile. But it might fit on the Rodong, a missile the North is now developing. Although this missile, which was first flight-tested in late May 1993, has an estimated range of more than 1,000 kilometers, it is still a few years away from deployment.

Yes, based on the evidence, North Korea could have separated enough plutonium for a nuclear weapon. And it now has enough spent fuel cooling in ponds to produce enough weapon-grade plutonium for four or five nuclear weapons. However, that plutonium is useless unless it is separated from spent reactor fuel. The focus should be on preventing the North Koreans from separating it themselves and encouraging them to send it abroad for processing.

Any settlement also needs to include a way to insure that the IAEA can verify North Korea's past nuclear activities. The IAEA still needs to determine the amount of plutonium North Korea may have separated in the past.

1. International Atomic Energy Agency, "Transcript from the Press Briefing by Dr. Hans Blix, Director General of the IAEA," Beijing Hotel, Beijing, May 16, 1992.

2. S. E. Turner, et al., Criticality Studies of Graphite-Moderated Production Reactors. Report prepared for the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, SSA-125 (Washington, D.C.: Southern Science Applications, Jan. 1980).

David Albright is the president of the Institute for Science and International Security in Washington, D.C., and a Bulletin contributing editor.

September/October 1994 pp. 46-53 (vol. 50, no. 05) © 1994 Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists

Sidebar: Rust never sleeps

In its extraordinary haste last May and June to unload fuel rods from its reactor, North Korea may have set the stage for yet another flare-up over its presumed nuclear weapons program. If so, the crisis may have more to do with North Korean incompetence--or intransigence--than with duplicity.

The North Koreans simply do not have the means to safely store their type of spent fuel for more than a few months. If it is not sent for reprocessing relatively soon after being extracted from the reactor, it becomes unstable and dangerous.

As of late July, North Korea had not yet begun to move its latest batch of fuel rods from the storage ponds to the Radiochemical Laboratory for plutonium separation. To do so would have violated its pledge made to the United States in June to "freeze" its nuclear program.

But according to Selig Harrison, a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, North Korean officials told him in early June that--depending on the condition of the fuel rods--some of them might have to be removed after just two months in the ponds. The officials also said that complete unloading of the ponds would require two to three months.

Given that possible timetable, the United States and South Korea may have become embroiled in yet another crisis by the time you read this. If plutonium separation starts before inspection agreements are worked out, the North Koreans will say that they must reprocess for reasons of safety. Meanwhile, the United States may assume--once again--that it has been conned.

Spent fuel of the type used by the North Koreans--uranium metal in a magnesium alloy "cladding"--corrodes even under optimal storage conditions. But conditions at the North Korean reactor complex are far from optimal; they border on the primitive. Corrosion could be swift.

Given its inherent instability, the North Korean "magnox" fuel has to be reprocessed quickly. It cannot be left for long in the two storage ponds where it now sits. (In contrast, uranium-oxide fuel clad in zirconium alloys, which is used in the United States and in many other nations, can be safely stored in ponds for centuries.)

About 8,000 fuel rods--or about 50 metric tons of fuel--were placed in pond storage. (About 300 rods that appeared damaged were placed in dry storage.) Both the magnesium cladding and the uranium-metal fuel are vulnerable to corrosion when stored in water, humid air, or even in the presence of inert gases, if moisture is present.

If the cladding fails, large quantities of radioactive materials could leak into the pools and eventually get into the air or into groundwater, posing a risk to workers and the surrounding population.

More serious, however, is the possibility of fire. Once the magnesium cladding fails, the uranium metal itself can corrode, resulting--under the right conditions--in the formation of uranium hydride. When exposed to air--as it would be when the fuel rods are retrieved for reprocessing--uranium hydride ignites easily at room temperatures. And if a coating of uranium hydride ignites, it can touch off the uranium metal. A uranium fire fits anyone's definition of a bad accident.

Inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) report that the North Korean storage ponds (actually, large swimming-pool-like basins) lack adequate filtering or purification systems. The water is dirty and green with algae. Further, the IAEA says the North does not control the chemistry of the pond water.

Analyzing the chemistry of the water--and adjusting it accordingly--is essential to safe (but still temporary) storage. Even relatively small variations from optimal standards can significantly accelerate corrosion. Among the key steps that can be taken by the North Koreans are:

• Fill the ponds with demineralized water and keep chloride and sulfate concentrations to below 0.5 grams per cubic meter.

• Raise the pH levels to at least 11.5 by adding pure sodium hydroxides. (Current pH levels are about 11.)

• Reduce water temperatures (with portable chillers) to about 15 degrees centigrade to improve water clarity, retard algae growth, and reduce the rate of magnesium corrosion by roughly fourfold. (Current water temperatures are believed to be about 30 degrees centigrade.)

These relatively simple steps can extend fuel storage life for months--perhaps for as much as a year. But the corrosion rate can be further reduced--permitting wet storage of up to five years--by raising the pH level immediately around the fuel rods to 13 while maintaining low chloride and sulfate levels.

A pH level that high cannot be maintained in open ponds, because the pH level is lowered by dissolved carbon dioxide from the air. But Britain has developed magnox fuel canisters that can be lowered into the ponds, and which allow maintenance of the proper pH levels around bundles of rods.

Corrosion of the North's spent fuel has probably already occurred, perhaps to a serious extent. But Britain and France have extensive experience in reducing the rate of corrosion of magnox fuel, which they also use, and they stand ready to provide technical help if North Korea asks for it. The United States would help, too.

But will North Korea accept technical aid from outsiders? If it does accept help--soon--the fuel can remain in the ponds for many months or even for a few years. That would give everyone breathing room--time to work out a lasting solution to the on-again, off-again crisis.

--D. A.

Article #4

Letter from Pyongyang

he Democratic People's Republic of Korea has a population of nearly 20 million people, but only two citizens--and one of them is dead.

The Soviet Union under Stalin tried hard to erase any vestige of civil society and the important people in it, but failed. Russia was known for its famous people, even as they fell under the blade of Stalinism. But no one in North Korea is famous except for the Kims. Led by the Great Leader, Kim Il Sung, who died in 1994, the family also includes the Dear Leader, Kim Jong Il, and the mother of all Korea, Kim Jong Suk. (Kim Jong Suk's picture crops up from time to time and place to place, but she is of little or no importance.)

So two Kims, one alive and one dead, control all aspects of life in this tiny, impoverished country, where Kim Il Sungism is the reigning ideology. Questioning that ideology brings banishment from the cities, imprisonment, or public execution.

All visits to North Korea start with an obligatory visit to Mansudae Hill and the 20-meter-tall statue of the Great Leader. Built in 1982 to celebrate his seventieth birthday, the statue is now the focal point for all pilgrimages to Pyongyang. Each person or delegation is expected to bring flowers to lay at the feet of the giant bronze, and bowing is mandatory. On either side of the statue are massive statues of workers, peasants, and especially soldiers fighting against Japanese or U.S. soldiers in the struggle for liberation.

Two basic images of the Great Leader can be found everywhere. The standard image, displayed on all government buildings and in all homes, is the stern portrait that glares down upon the population. The new image, the "smiling portrait," was painted after Kim's death, and has become very popular.

The official portrait of the younger Kim emphasizes his seriousness while de-emphasizing his Elvis-style hair and excess weight. It hangs everywhere beside the portrait of his father, including inside railway carriages and subway cars. Hotel rooms for foreigners seem to be an exception to the ubiquity of these official portraits, but staff areas are never without them. Pictures of Kim Jong Suk show her wearing the army uniform she is said to have worn during the fight against the Japanese.

The national art gallery displays numerous paintings of the Great Leader and the Dear Leader giving "on-the-spot guidance" to happy workers, peasants, and soldiers. One of the newest additions to the collection is a massive work showing the Dear Leader with his Mercedes.

There are only two public pictures in Pyongyang of people who do not belong to the Kim family--in the main square are two smallish images, one of Marx and one of Lenin.

President for all eternity

After Kim Il Sung's death, the constitution was altered to enshrine him as the eternal president of Korea. This is why Kim Jong Il has not assumed the title of president, ruling instead as chairman of the National Defense Commission.

In keeping with Kim Il Sung's posthumous position as permanent president, the presidential palace has been converted to the world's largest mausoleum. His former home and office were sealed up with granite and marble, and the world's longest moving sidewalk was installed to take visitors past his body. Dead-leader-visiting junkies will be disappointed to learn that they may not get in to see Kim as easily as when they visited Lenin, Mao, or Ho Chi Minh: Only ideologically appropriate people are invited to gaze upon the eight-year-old corpse and father of "juche" (pronounced "joo-chay").

According to the official line, juche "means that the masters of the revolution and construction are the masses of the people and they are also the motive force of the revolution and construction. In other words, one is responsible for one's own destiny." More succinctly, juche refers to the idea that the state must be totally self-reliant. North Koreans abhor what they call "flunkeyism," or reliance on foreigners. In fact, no mention is ever made of the role of either the Soviet Union or the People's Republic of China in building or defending North Korea. Those countries are apparently of no importance to the past, present, or future of Korea.

The "Tower of the Juche Idea" is a massive glass flame, lit in a way to appear to be burning with the red flame of revolutionary idealism. But the word "juche" also appears everywhere else--on all buildings and in every workplace.

Another obligatory stop is at the shrine at Mangyongdae, the birthplace of the Great Leader. Koreans are obliged to visit this place on a regular basis. But it is one of the nicer parks in Pyongyang, so many Koreans visit of their own free will. One is unlikely ever to see anything as obviously fake, however, as the alleged childhood home of the Great Leader, the "original" peasant house on the edge of a former graveyard. A wooden and thatch shack, it is beautifully kept and adorned with family photographs.

Even more completely fake is the legendary birthplace of Dear Leader Kim Jong Il, who is said to have been born in a humble log cabin at sacred Mount Paektu in the northernmost reaches of Korea during the anti-imperialist war against the Japanese. He was actually born in the Soviet Union.

Other fakes in the northern areas include slogans gouged into tree trunks. More of these carvings, said to have been made by anti-imperialist fighters led by comrade Kim Il Sung between 1925 and 1945, seem to be discovered every day. They appear amazingly fresh, free from weathering or overgrowth. When found, they are preserved behind Plexiglass. Their message: that there has always been only one true leader of all Korea, the Great Leader, who almost single-handedly defeated the Japanese Imperial Army.

Understanding the depth of yearning for international recognition comes with a visit to the International Friendship Exhibitions at the Myohyangsan Mountains. There one repository is dedicated to Kim Il Sung, and another to Kim Jong Il. Both exhibits, housed inside a mountain, contain tens of thousands of gifts--impressive ones from world leaders and silly little gifts from ordinary people. Many items look odd displayed behind glass, particularly common household goods like a working-class dining room table or small trinkets from souvenir shops around the world. The display is apparently intended to show both foreigners and Koreans that the world recognizes how important the Great and Dear Leaders are. And there is, in fact, an almost religious quality to the way the collection of relics is displayed.

The streets of Pyongyang--and everywhere else--are filled with posters. There is no advertising in a commercial sense, but there is a great deal of advertising telling Koreans how to think about the Great and Dear Leaders. Newly painted posters regularly replace older ones, and most carry socialist-realist images; the rest carry pictures of the Great Leader and his edifying words, urging the population on to greater feats of revolutionary heroism.

Things really are engraved in stone, too. The words of the Great Leader are frequently carved in chunks of granite, which may range in size from small monuments at the roadside right up to massive letters carved into the side of a hill or a mountain.

Adding to the two Kims' deification is the constant reference to them in song and dance. One need only listen to a few minutes of radio or television to hear each one mentioned several times.

While the two Kims have not named places after themselves (other than Kim Il Sung University) they have had various items named in their honor. Both men have flowers named after them, and these flowers are always prominently displayed.

The drought

Everywhere in the country, and at regular intervals throughout the cities, there are large sign boards on which pictures and charts and text are prominently displayed. These glass-covered boards display the same message and photos no matter where they are located. Sometimes photos dating back to the Japanese occupation are shown, but the photos that have been displayed most frequently in recent years show the food aid that North Korea sent to the victims of flooding in South Korea in the late 1960s. The population is constantly told that the North was the first to send food aid to their brothers in the South, so there is obviously no problem, historically or ideologically, with receiving it in return years later.

The effects of the years of drought are visible everywhere. Riverbeds are nearly empty, with only small trickles of brown water. Even in Pyongyang there is an endless supply of trucks carrying 50-kilogram bags of rice and wheat donated by the United Nations or the United States. The Koreans do not remove the labels announcing that the food is a U.N. or U.S. gift.

Life in Pyongyang

Housing in Pyongyang is of surprising quality. In the past 30 years--and mostly in the past 20--hundreds of huge apartment houses have been built. Pyongyang is a city of high-rises, with probably the highest average building height of any city in the world. Although the quality is below that of the West, it is far above that found in the former Soviet Union. Buildings are finished and painted and there is at least a pretense of maintenance; even older buildings do not look neglected. Nothing looks as though it is on the verge of falling down. (There is one exception, however--an unfinished hotel, begun in the 1980s, which rises to 105 stories. This poured-concrete pyramidal tower is visible from the train 30 minutes from Pyongyang. Upon closer inspection, one sees that large chunks of concrete have broken away.)

Although a bit dreary, the shops in Pyongyang are far from empty. Each apartment building has some sort of shop on the main floor, and food shops can usually be found within one or two buildings from any given home. Apart from these basic, Soviet-style shops, there are a few department stores carrying a wide range of goods. The department stores are not particularly busy, but then there is no real consumer culture urging people to buy anything but necessities.

Grocery shops stock standard Korean fare, with an emphasis on rice, noodles, kimchi, and pickled vegetables. Every North Korean is supposed to receive a monthly ration of rice, but that ration can be supplemented with purchases from a local farming co-operative. Co-op farms are now allowed to sell their excess production in street markets--although those markets are generally kept well out of sight of foreigners. Private shops are banned, but there is a growing number of street vendors who sell official goods and food.

While not snappy dressers, North Koreans are certainly clean and tidy, and exceptionally well dressed. Women almost always wear the traditional Korean dress with the waist just under the arms and flowing skirt. Men tend toward dark blue suits, or in some cases jackets like those worn by Kim Jong Il. Another style made popular by Kim are massive sunglasses, which many men wear at all hours. There is no shortage of clothing, and clothing stores and fabric shops are open daily.

Pyongyang is one of the quietest cities on the planet, due to the near total absence of automobiles. The population of more than 2 million has fewer cars than any town in the west. Mostly, the cars are left-hand-drive Mercedes or used right-hand-drive cars and trucks from Japan. Although North Koreans drive on the right, there may be more right-than left-hand-drive cars.

Unlike other Asian countries, Korea eschewed bicycles for decades. Only recently have they been allowed, and only now are they beginning to become a major mode of transportation. Most people must still walk or wait for public transport.

Pyongyang's public system consists of trolleys, electric buses, and a two-line subway. All are terribly overcrowded, but somehow keep on running. For every 50,000 kilometers it travels, a bus in Pyongyang has a red star painted on its side. Some buses are completely covered with red stars.

The subway stations are extremely deep, modeled on the Moscow system. With their triple blast doors, they are designed to be used as bomb shelters. The stations are true showplaces, with beautiful art work and rousing names like "Reconstruction" and "Victory."

Because the public transport system is hopelessly inadequate, most Pyongyangers must walk to and from work each day. It is common to see locals walking at all hours. They often march in regimented groups to and from various activities.

The economy is in tatters with over half of industry idle--the population is much larger than the number of jobs remaining. Many Koreans spend much of their time squatting on the ground, as if they are waiting for a moment when they can spring into action. Yet there is little likelihood that their services will ever be needed, and squatting seems more like an adaptation to imposed idleness--and a symbol of loss.

The next generation

Children are said to be kings in North Korea. That's a strange analogy in a communist country, but there is a great deal of truth in the assertion. The best facilities to be found are commonly the local "Children's Palaces" where children can go after school for extracurricular activities. The largest of these in Pyongyang features music, singing, dancing, weaving, sewing, swimming, chess, athletics, ballet, gymnastics, computer science, and a host of other activities. These classes enhance the social and cultural education of children in a way that would be the envy of almost any parent.

What is odd about the children, though, is the way they look--or more often do not look--at an outsider. Either a foreigner is subjected to a hate-filled stare, or he is invisible.

Many younger children believe their lessons--that all Westerners are imperialists who want to crush Korea. They stare with unbounded hatred at Caucasian foreigners. Many older children look right through a foreigner, as though the offending person is not even there.

A sense of history

After the war in Vietnam ended in 1975, the Vietnamese eventually discarded their war mentality and moved on with developing their economy and their relations with the outside world. The Korean War ended in 1953, but North Korea lives as though the war were yesterday. Nowhere is this more evident than at the Great Fatherland Liberation War Victory Museum, and the Memorial to the Victors of the Fatherland Liberation War, just outside. In the museum's basement are "merited weapons" used to fight the imperialists. The most prominent is a MiG-15 fighter, numbered 009. So important is this aircraft that a replica appears in bronze among the memorial park statuary outside, yet it has no kills to its credit. The aircraft's only claim to fame is that Kim Il Sung crawled up the ladder, now preserved with the aircraft, peered into the cockpit, and gave "helpful advice" to the pilots.

The future

When Kim Il Sung died in 1994, many analysts and media commentators predicted that the country would soon collapse. South Korea began feverish preparations for a potentially disastrous and unplanned unification, with perhaps millions of economic refugees streaming across the Demilitarized Zone.

It didn't happen. In fact, totalitarian rule in Pyongyang is as strong as ever, and it has additionally weathered the "arduous march" of drought and famine.

The country will continue to take advantage of all foreign food and funding, no matter the source. Slowing deliveries would only bring with it the risk of increased weapons production and "saber-rattling."

There is no threat to the regime other than the lack of food. Because the famine is largely contained in areas with completely marginalized populations, and because there is a very strong security presence at all levels, there is no danger that the hungry or disaffected will topple the government or the ruling Korean Workers Party.

The one thing that brings foreign diplomats and international organizations to North Korea is nuclear weapons, or at least the threat of nuclear weapons. Without a nuclear program North Korea would be seen as nothing more than a tiny, sparsely populated, hermit kingdom with a totalitarian regime. Although it is starving, there would be little outcry and little attention would be paid.

But with a nuclear program in place, North Korea can command the attention of the world, or at least those parts of it willing to trade aid for nonproliferation. Pyongyang's hotels, like the Koryo and the Yanggakdo, are regular haunts for diplomats in town discussing nuclear matters. The nuclear deal's problem is that oil deliveries are far behind, construction of the reactors is delayed, and the Bush administration is unwilling to work constructively with Pyongyang, so there is now a greater chance that Kim Jong Il will resurrect the nuclear program for political purposes.

Kim Jong Il is firmly in charge of the military through family connections, patronage, and the replacement of significant officials. His "army-centered" policy of governing ensures that the military will be no threat to him as long as the army gets first call, as it now does, on economic resources. There is a great deal of life left in this repressive regime, and it seems unlikely that any outside force can exert much influence on the form or nature of the government.

The author, a specialist in nuclear affairs, prefers to remain anonymous so that he may be allowed to visit North Korea again, as he did this spring.

July/August 2002 pp. 50-54, 70 (vol. 58, no. 04) © 2002 Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists

Article #3

North Korea's nuclear program, 2005

On February 10, North Korea announced for the first time that it possesses nuclear weapons. [1] The claim grabbed headlines, but it is difficult to substantiate. In the early 1990s, the CIA concluded that North Korea had effectively joined the nuclear club by building one or possibly two weapons from plutonium it produced before 1992. [2] Yet North Korea has never conducted a nuclear test, and although it has extracted weapon-grade plutonium, it has never conclusively demonstrated that it possesses operational nuclear warheads. (Nor has the United States been able to verify it.) It is known, however, that Pyongyang has a nuclear program. By cataloging the program's capabilities and quantity of separated plutonium, it is possible to estimate how many nuclear weapons Kim Jong Il's country might have.

North Korea's probable possession of nuclear weapons presents a serious and extremely complicated problem, with implications that could drastically affect Asian security and, by extension, U.S. interests as well. By violating the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), North Korea has weakened the treaty and sent signals that obtaining nuclear weapons has geopolitical benefits, at least when confronting the United States.

Nuclear weapons on the Korean peninsula. Nuclear weapons and Korea have been entwined for more than 50 years. During the Korean War (1950-1953), the United States threatened several times to use nuclear weapons. [3] After the armistice, U.S. military forces remained in South Korea (the Republic of Korea). The United States began deploying several types of nuclear weapons to the South beginning in January 1958, a time of extensive worldwide deployments (see "Where They Were," November/December 1999 Bulletin). The U.S. arsenal in South Korea was at its largest in 1967, with approximately 950 warheads of eight types. By the mid-1980s, only the 8-inch and 155-millimeter artillery shells, atomic demolition munitions, and gravity bombs remained, and the number of warheads dropped to about 150. With no formal public announcement, in the fall of 1991 President George H. W. Bush ordered the removal of all remaining weapons, which was accomplished in late 1991.

The threat of a U.S. nuclear attack both during and after the Korean War may have helped spur former North Korean leader Kim Il Sung to launch his own nuclear weapons program. Pyongyang started the program in the 1960s with Soviet help, and over the next two decades China provided various kinds of support. In 1986, the North began operating a newly constructed 20-megawatt thermal (MWt) reactor near the city of Yongbyon--a major milestone.

More recently, Pakistan has played a substantial role in the progress of North Korea's nuclear program. In the second half of the 1990s, Abdul Qadeer Khan, scientist and "father" of Pakistan's nuclear program, supplied uranium enrichment equipment and perhaps even warhead designs to North Korea, according to some news reports. Khan originally came to world attention for stealing centrifuge designs and equipment while working in the Netherlands in the 1970s. After returning to Pakistan, Khan used suppliers from around the world to build centrifuges capable of enriching uranium for Pakistan's bomb program. Those vendors and manufacturers became the foundation of an extensive and profitable black market run by Khan and others, which amassed hundreds of millions of dollars. U.S. intelligence agencies monitored Khan's network for years but did little to halt the traffic, so as not to compromise sources and methods or, later, jeopardize relations with Pakistan. Achieving short-term foreign policy goals took precedence over preventing widespread nuclear proliferation. [4]

Finally, in early 2004, Pakistan's President Gen. Pervez Musharraf placed Khan under house arrest but pardoned him soon after. Neither the United States nor the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) was permitted to interrogate him. On February 4, 2004, Khan admitted on national television that he was responsible for widespread nuclear proliferation. Later news reports described how Pakistani centrifuges were transferred to North Korea in exchange for ballistic missile technology. [5] In 2003, New Yorker reporter Seymour Hersh wrote that U.S. intelligence agencies believed that Khan had made at least 13 trips to Pyongyang, the last in June 2002. [6]

Fissile material. The center of North Korea's nuclear program is at Yongbyon, some 60 miles north of Pyongyang. In addition to a 20 MWt reactor, Yongbyon's major facilities include a chemical separation (reprocessing) plant and a fuel fabrication plant. The 1994 Agreed Framework with the United States halted the construction of a 200 MWt reactor in Yongbyon, as well as the construction of a 700-800 MWt reactor near Taechon. Although North Korea pulled out of the agreement, there is no evidence that it resumed construction of either plant. North Korea operates uranium ore processing facilities at Pyongsan and Pakchon.

Intelligence analysts and nuclear experts widely believe that North Korea has produced and separated enough plutonium for a small number of nuclear warheads. Most or all of the plutonium came from reprocessed spent fuel from the 20 MWt reactor at Yongbyon, which went critical on August 14, 1985, and became operational the following January. [7] The U.S. intelligence community believes that during a 70-day shutdown period in 1989, North Korea secretly removed fuel from the reactor and separated the plutonium. Estimates vary as to how much plutonium was obtained. The State Department believes about 6-8 kilograms; the CIA and Defense Intelligence Agency say 8-9 kilograms; the Institute for Science and International Security estimates as much as 14 kilograms. South Korean, Japanese, and Russian analysts estimate a much larger quantity, ranging up to 24 kilograms.

In October 2002, the United States publicly accused North Korea of operating a secret uranium enrichment program; North Korea denied it. In response to the U.S. claim, Pyongyang in December 2002 removed the IAEA safeguard seals at Yongbyon, shut down the monitoring cameras, and ordered the IAEA inspectors out of the country. On January 10, 2003, Pyongyang announced that it would withdraw from the NPT; it is the only country ever to do so. North Korea restarted its 20 MWt reactor and reprocessing plant at Yongbyon, and by June 2003 scientists had extracted plutonium from the 8,000 spent fuel rods kept at the site, according to North Korean officials. Western analysts estimate that this reprocessing would have resulted in 25-30 kilograms of plutonium.

Little is known about North Korea's alleged uranium enrichment program--where it might be located, its state of development, or how many centrifuges might be operational. The United States has not provided any public information that substantiates its existence. Following the U.S. manipulation and distortion of intelligence about Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, some countries and analysts are now skeptical of any U.S. allegations regarding other nations' nuclear programs. [8] A March 20 Washington Post report that the White House misrepresented intelligence on the supposed transfer of nuclear material from North Korea to Libya may have further undermined the Bush administration's credibility, even though the White House denied the report.

Technical capability. The precise amount of plutonium, or uranium, needed to build a bomb depends upon two variables: the desired yield and design, which hinges on the technical capabilities of the scientists and engineers. (The IAEA and some nongovernmental institutes use a different analytical approach, assuming that the necessary quantity is some fixed, arbitrary amount.) [9] With approximately 1 kilogram of plutonium, designers with high technical capabilities could make a bomb with a 1-kiloton yield; with approximately 3 kilograms, a 20-kiloton yield is possible. Designers with low technical capabilities would need about 3 kilograms for a 1-kiloton yield and about 6 kilograms for a 20-kiloton yield (see "Approximate Fissile Material Requirements,"). The Trinity test and the Nagasaki (Fat Man) bomb each used 6.1 kilograms of plutonium and produced yields of approximately 21 kilotons.

No one knows the skill level of North Korean bomb designers. In the 60 years since the Manhattan Project, a large amount of information on nuclear weapons design has become available, and a medium capability certainly seems possible. This would mean that building a bomb with a 1-5 kiloton yield would require about 2 kilograms of plutonium. Weapons with a 10-20 kiloton yield would require approximately 3 kilograms. For several weapons, 8-9 kilograms of plutonium could be enough. During the 1994 North Korean crisis, then-Defense Secretary William Perry said, "If they had a very advanced technology, they could make five bombs out of the amount of plutonium we estimate they have." With 25-30 kilograms of additional plutonium from the 8,000 fuel rods, North Korea could build approximately 6-8 more warheads. A reasonable estimate of the number of assembled North Korean nuclear weapons is up to 10.

The potential capacity of North Korea's nuclear program is unsettling. The CIA estimates that the 200 MWt reactor at Yongbyon and the 700-800 MWt reactor at Taechon would generate about 275 kilograms of plutonium per year if completed and operated at full capacity. Even if North Korea resumed work at these unfinished reactors it would take several years to complete construction and more time to operate them and reprocess the fuel.

North Korea could make more bombs if it produced highly enriched uranium and manufactured it into weapon cores. If it used a composite-core design, which features a smaller plutonium sphere encased in a shell of highly enriched uranium, the North could make even more bombs than if it used plutonium or uranium in separate weapons. (The United States successfully tested the composite-core design in Operation Sandstone during the spring of 1948.)

Ballistic missiles. North Korea retains a very active ballistic missile program (see "North Korean Ballistic Missiles,"). [10] Beginning in the 1960s, the Soviet Union supplied various types of missiles, supporting technologies, and training to North Korea. China began supplying North Korea with missile technology in the 1970s.

In 1979 and 1980, Egypt supplied Pyongyang with a small number of Soviet Scud B missiles, launchers, and support equipment. North Korea reverse-engineered the Scuds and built the industrial infrastructure to produce its own missiles. In 1987 and 1988 it was producing Scuds at a rate of eight to ten per month. It sold approximately 100 to Iran, many of which were fired at Iraqi cities during the Iran-Iraq War. North Korea first test-launched an extended-range version of the missile, known as the Scud C, in June 1990 and achieved a 500-kilometer range by reducing the payload from 1,000 to 770 kilograms. The North had produced a total of 600-1,000 Scud B and Scud Cs by the end of 1999, according to some estimates. It sold half of them to foreign countries.

Driven by a desire for longer missile ranges, North Korea developed what is known in the West as the Nodong (also Rodong), which has a maximum range of 1,480 kilometers (depending upon payload) and is capable of hitting Japan and U.S. bases in Okinawa. Pyongyang deployed 100 Nodongs in the mid-1990s and sold another 50 or so to foreign countries. The missile is known as the Ghauri-I in Pakistan and the Shahab-3 in Iran.

The North is working to build a missile with an intercontinental range. The two-stage Taepodong-1 is intended to carry a 1,000-1,500 kilogram warhead up to 2,300 kilometers. Pyongyang launched a three-stage space-launch version of the missile, intended to place a North Korean satellite in orbit, on August 31, 1998, from the facility at Musudan-ri. The missile flew over Japan, causing much consternation. Its first and second stages separated and landed in the water, but the third stage broke up after traveling more than 5,500 kilometers, and the satellite did not reach orbit.

Depending on the payload, the as-yet-untested Taepodong-2 may have a range greater than 6,200 kilometers, sufficient to strike parts of Hawaii and Alaska in its two-stage variant, and all of North America in a three-stage variant.

It is reasonable to assume that North Korea wants to put nuclear warheads on its ballistic missiles, but whether it has achieved this capability is unknown. Most other countries that have developed nuclear weapons chose airplanes as their initial delivery method, followed in most instances by the development of ballistic missiles of various ranges.

Although there is no evidence that North Korea has modified aircraft for nuclear delivery, such a capability would be easier to develop and more difficult to detect than ballistic missiles. North Korea maintains underground aircraft hangars within a 10-20 minute striking distance of Seoul and has bombers and fighter aircraft that had nuclear strike roles in the Soviet Air Force.

U.S. policies. The current administration's hope that North Korea will give up its nuclear weapons seems fanciful at this point. [11] What incentives could possibly persuade it to give up its weapons program, dismantle its nuclear complex, and agree to an intrusive verification regime? It seems highly unlikely that North Korea would agree to abandon the very thing that gives it leverage with its neighbors and the United States.

President George W. Bush's first-term policies failed to move North Korea toward the goal of disarmament and instead proved to be counterproductive. Admonitions that North Korea is an "outpost of tyranny" and part of the "axis of evil" have tended to increase the North's already substantial fear and paranoia of the United States. The hardliners around Bush believe that isolation, pressure, and sanctions will cause North Korea to collapse and that it should not be rewarded for any positive steps it might take. The six-party talks, held in August 2003, February 2004, and June 2004, have yielded little. The United States proposed a step-by-step process for further talks, but North Korea recently rejected further negotiations.

The United States and the other parties involved in the negotiations disagree on how to deal with Pyongyang. Perhaps the sharpest differences are with South Korea. In a speech that must have shocked the Bush administration, South Korea's President Roh Moo-hyun said that, "North Korea professes that nuclear capabilities are a deterrent for defending itself from external aggression." While in many cases its claims and allegations are hard to believe, Roh said that, "In this particular case it is true and undeniable that there is a considerable element of rationality in North Korea's claim." [12]

A nuclear-armed North Korea could trigger an arms race in East Asia and beyond. This prospect has already prompted the United States to expand its nuclear targeting doctrine, enlarge missile defense programs, and plan the development of new nuclear weapons, such as the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator. A nuclear North could further harden the U.S. posture toward the country and reinvigorate extended nuclear deterrence strategies in the region. Worse, Japan might decide to build its own nuclear weapons program, which would surely provoke a Chinese response and in turn cause reverberations in India and Pakistan. There could also be repercussions in Taiwan and South Korea, both of which built fledgling nuclear weapons programs before U.S. pressure shut them down. Recent public disclosures of secret South Korean nuclear research do little to increase trust and allay fears. [13]

Perhaps the greatest danger of all would be North Korea selling its plutonium, highly enriched uranium, or finished weapons to other countries or terrorists. Its track record with ballistic missiles is not encouraging. It has sold missiles to Iran, Yemen, Syria, and Pakistan--lucrative sources of income to the impoverished country. Fissile material and nuclear weapons would be even more lucrative and would have a far larger impact on regional and international security.

1. Korean Central News Agency, "DPRK FM on Its Stand to Suspend Its Participation in Six-Party Talks for Indefinite Period," February 10, 2005.

2. CIA, untitled estimate provided to Congress, November 19, 2002. According to the estimate, "The U.S. has been concerned about North Korea's desire for nuclear weapons and has assessed since the early 1990s that the North has one or possibly two weapons using plutonium it produced prior to 1992."

3. Bruce Cumings, "Nuclear Threats Against North Korea: Consequences of the 'Forgotten War,'" Le Monde Diplomatique, December 20, 2004.

4. Douglas Frantz, "A High-Risk Nuclear Stakeout," Los Angeles Times, February 27, 2005, p. A1. Leonard Weiss, "Turning a Blind Eye Again? The Khan Network's History and Lessons for U.S. Policy," Arms Control Today, March 2005, pp. 12-18.

5. Weiss, "Turning a Blind Eye Again."

6. Seymour M. Hersh, "The Cold Test," The New Yorker, January 27, 2003.

7. Some of the plutonium may have come from a Russian supplied research reactor that first went critical in 1965. It was upgraded from 2 MWt to 4 MWt in 1974 and to 8 MWt in 1987.

8. Joseph Kahn, "China Questions U.S. Data on North Korea," New York Times, March 7, 2005, p. A5. See also: Joseph Kahn and Susan Chira, "Chinese Official Challenges U.S. Stance on North Korea," New York Times, June 8, 2004, p. 12; Douglas Jehl and Eric Schmitt, "Intelligence about Iran for Bush is Called Weak," New York Times, March 9, 2005, p. A1.

9. The IAEA uses 8 kilograms of plutonium and 25 kilograms of HEU as threshold amounts for a single nuclear device. The International Institute for Strategic Studies assumes 5-8 kilograms of plutonium and 20-25 kilograms of HEU to calculate the North Korean arsenal.

10. The program is carefully documented by Joseph S. Bermudez Jr., A History of Ballistic Missile Development in the DPRK, Occasional Paper no. 2 (Monterey: Center for Nonproliferation Studies, 1999).

11. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Current and Projected National Security Threats to the United States, 109th Cong., 1st sess., February 16, 2005. On p. 10, Vice Adm. Lowell E. Jacoby, director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, says that, "Kim Chong-Il may eventually agree to negotiate parts of his nuclear weapon stockpile and program and agree to some type of inspection regime, but we judge Kim is not likely to surrender all of his nuclear weapon capabilities."

12. Roh Moo-hyun, "The U.S.-Republic of Korea Alliance and the Situation on the Korean Peninsula" (speech, Los Angeles World Affairs Council, November 12, 2004).

13. Jungmin Kang, et al., "South Korea's Nuclear Surprise," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January/February 2005, pp. 40-49.

Nuclear Notebook is prepared by Robert S. Norris and Hans M. Kristensen of the Natural Resources Defense Council. Inquiries should be directed to NRDC, 1200 New York Avenue, N.W., Suite 400, Washington, D.C., 20005; 202-289-6868.

May/June 2005 pp. 64-67 (vol. 61, no. 03) © 2005 Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists

North Korean ballistic missiles

MAXIMUM RANGE
(kilometers)
PAYLOAD
(kilograms)
COMMENT
SCUD B 320 1,000 Reverse-engineered
Soviet Scud B
SCUD C 570 770 Conventional explosives, chemical, and cluster
warheads
NODONG 1,480 1,200 Test-fired in May 1993; flew 500 kilometers. Fewer than 50 launchers deployed. Designed to carry a nuclear warhead
TAEPODONG-1 2,300 1,000-1,500 Test-launched August 31, 1998. Not yet deployed
TAEPODONG-2 6,200+ 700-1,000 Not yet tested
TAEPODONG-2
(three-stage)
15,000 unknown More than a decade away. May be capable of striking all of North America




Source (for range): NATIONAL AIR AND SPACE INTELLIGENCE CENTER

Approximate fissile material requirements for pure fission nuclear weapons


TECHNICAL CAPABILITY YIELD

LOW MEDIUM HIGH (KILOTONS)

WEAPON-
GRADE
PLUTONIUM
(KILOGRAMS)
3 1.5 1 1
4 2.5 1.5 5
5 3 2 10
6 3.5 3 20

HIGHLY
ENRICHED
URANIUM
(KILOGRAMS)
8 4 2.5 1
11 6 3.5 5
13 7 4 10
20 9 5 20






Article #2

North Korea: Less than meets the eye

ho failed to live up to the Agreed Framework between the United States and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea? A better question might be, who didn't?

The agreement had three main points:

• Both sides would work together to replace North Korea's graphite-moderated reactors with light-water power plants (and the United States would help "replace" the energy from closing the old-style reactors by shipping heavy fuel oil to the North). North Korea did shut down the reactors, but balked from time to time at placing the spent fuel (the potential source of plutonium) in proper storage. Meanwhile, the United States and its allies delayed building the new reactors, breaking ground only in 1999--five years after the agreement was signed. Today, only some of the foundation has been laid.

• The two sides would move toward normalization of relations. For nine years, the United States has failed to recognize North Korea diplomatically, although the Clinton administration was approaching that step when it left office in January 2001. Instead of continuing the diplomatic effort, the new president, George W. Bush, rejected South Korean President Kim Dae Jung's efforts to improve relations with the North, ended the U.S. diplomatic initiative, and eventually declared the North part of an "axis of evil."

• Both sides would work together for peace and security on a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The North pledged to remain a member of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and to abide by an additional agreement with South Korea. The agreement with the South prohibits both countries from possessing uranium enrichment facilities. Last October, the North seemed to confirm that it was in breach of the agreement when it responded to U.S. allegations that it had a clandestine enrichment program by arguing that it had a right to develop nuclear weapons. On January 10, 2003, Pyongyang announced its withdrawal from the NPT.

Staff.

March/April 2003 pp. 38-39 (vol. 59, no. 02) © 2003 Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists

Sidebar: How terrible the Taepo?

Confusion over North Korea's Taepodong-2 missile and its supposedly U.S-threatening ranges has resurfaced yet again. (Previously, range estimates for Taepodongs figured into debate over national missile defense--the more a person wanted NMD, it seemed, the further the Taepodong could fly.) Russian experts reportedly call the unseen weapons "paper missiles."

In the summer of 1998, North Korea tested a three-stage Taepodong-1 "in a failed attempt to orbit a small satellite," wrote Joseph Cirincione, director of Carnegie's Non-Proliferation Project, in a 2001 analysis of the ballistic missile threat. The missile "flew only 1,320 kilometers [820 miles], but its international impact was enormous."

A short history of U.S. assessments of the yet-to-materialize (some would say non-existent) Taepodong-2:

November 1995: "Among Third World countries hostile to the United States, North Korea has the most advanced ballistic missile program. One of its missiles in development, the Taepodong-2, is assessed to have a range of 4,000--6,000 kilometers."

--"Emerging Missile Threats to North America During the Next 15 Years," Secret DCI National Intelligence Estimate, President's Summary

July 1998: "[The Taepodong-2] could reach major cities and military bases in Alaska and the smaller, westernmost islands in the Hawaiian chain. Light-weight variations of the TD-2 could fly as far as 10,000 kilometers, placing at risk western U.S. territory in an arc extending northwest from Phoenix, Arizona, to Madison, Wisconsin."

--Rumsfeld Report (Commission to Assess the Ballistic Missile Threat to the United States)

January 2001: "North Korea is developing the Taepodong-2 (ICBM), which could deliver a several-hundred kilogram payload to Alaska and Hawaii, and a lighter payload to the western half of the United States. A three-stage Taepodong-2 could deliver a several hundred kilogram payload anywhere in the United States."

--"Proliferation: Threat and Response," Defense Department

Sidebar: Connecting the dots

Judging by maps published in the mainstream media, North Korea is dotted with nondescript "nuclear facilities," suggesting that the country is bursting with weapons-related plants and labs. But is uranium enrichment the same as uranium mining? Should proliferation-resistant light-water reactors being built with U.S. cooperation be ranked as part of a vast weapons program? Is a nuclear facility a nuclear facility a nuclear facility? It's time for a little definition.

Mount Chon-ma

Reported by the South Korean press as an operating nuclear power plant, this is probably a mining and processing facility, where unearthed sulfates are turning vegetation yellow, as a defector reported seeing. (Refining extracts uranium from ore, but does not "enrich" it for use in weapons or even power reactors.)

Taechon

One of the unfinished reactors "frozen" under the Agreed Framework.

Pakchon

A uranium mine and closed refinery, confirmed by the South Korean Technical Center for Nuclear Control.

Pyongyang

Sometimes listed as a uranium enrichment site. Experiments were probably conducted in the capital, but it's unlikely there is a production facility in the city.

Pyongsan

Sometimes listed as a uranium enrichment site, it is actually a mine and refinery.

Hagap

One of the larger mysteries.

Many suspicious underground and external facilities have been confirmed, but there is nothing to show that anything is actually operating.

Sinpo

Site of the two KEDO reactors that the United States agreed to help build under the 1994 Agreed Framework. If and when these reactors are ever built, they will operate under the control of IAEA safeguards.

Kumchang-ni

Often cited as a major underground network of nuclear activity. U.S. inspectors have gone there twice, however, and found nothing but some large, empty rooms.

Yongbyon

North Korea's hub of nuclear activity, discovered in 1987 and shut down in 1994. However, in February North Korea announced it was restarting its mothballed 5-megawatt reactor. Also at Yongbyon is an unfinished 50-megawatt reactor, a research reactor, and various facilities for storing and reprocessing nuclear materials and waste.

Source: Institute for Science and International Security

Article #1

North Korea: No bygones at Yongbyon

ovember 16, 1994: The cold morning sky was clear as we took off from the Pyongyang airport in a dark green military helicopter bearing the distinct red-star emblem of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. As the vintage 1960s chopper flew with surprising quiet over the rough mountain terrain, Dr. Li Sang Gun, director of the "Radiochemistry Laboratory" at Yongbyon, and I made an attempt at small talk.

Dr. Li was escorting the first official U.S. delegation ever to visit his country to the highly secret Yongbyon nuclear complex 75 miles to the northwest. Here North Korea's first small nuclear reactor lay dormant, with some 48 tons of highly radioactive spent fuel stored in a pool of water. That fuel contained enough plutonium for possibly five or six nuclear weapons.

Li, in his 60s, was a thin, bespectacled man with graying hair and a formal, ramrod bearing. During the previous three days of often tense negotiations, he had headed the North Korean expert team. He clearly understood that as the highest ranking U.S. official then to visit North Korea, I was there to bring a halt to his life's work.

Several months earlier, our nations had been preparing for war over the very effort Li was directing--the reprocessing of spent fuel to extract plutonium for nuclear weapons. But on October 12, 1994, the United States and North Korea had signed the "Agreed Framework," which moved both sides away from the brink.

North Korea agreed to freeze its plutonium production program in exchange for fuel oil, economic cooperation, and the construction of two modern light-water nuclear power plants. Eventually, North Korea's existing nuclear facilities were to be dismantled, and the spent reactor fuel taken out of the country.

Securing the spent reactor fuel against plutonium production was the first order of business. And so we were immediately tasked to assemble a team to ensure that some 8,000 highly radioactive spent reactor rods could be safely stored and placed under surveillance by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

On the way to Yongbyon, Li's shyness and modesty became apparent, revealing a much different person than the stern figure across the negotiating table. Our conversation led to memories of the Korean War. It is impossible not to be reminded about the war in the "hermit nation"--the government has placed reminders everywhere in daily life.

For instance, during our first trip in November 1994, we visited an ancient temple near Yongbyon, where some 80,000 pages of Buddhist writings had been preserved since 500 A.D. Our lovely young guide gracefully pointed out damaged stone artifacts in the lush mountain pine grove, while standing next to a sign indicating that the area had been bombed by "American imperialist swine" during the war.

In 1950, communist forces led by North Korea's military dictator Kim Il Sung invaded the South. By the time an armistice agreement was signed by North Korea, China, and the United Nations in 1953, the war, dubbed a "police action" by the United States, had produced more than four million civilian casualties and destroyed nearly every structure that had stood in the North. For half a century, the United States and South Korea have refused to sign the armistice--before my trip, a State Department official reminded me "not to be too friendly" while I was in North Korea, because, technically, "we are still in a state of war."

I mentioned to Li that my generation knew little of the war. His memories, though, were sharp and deep. He grew up during the harsh colonial rule of the Japanese, which ended in 1945, creating great upheaval. The Korean War broke out when he was a young man. Betraying no emotion, he described U.S. napalm attacks and how there was no way to escape their horrors. He concluded, politely, that it would take a long time for North Koreans to overcome their hatred of Americans. After that, we retreated into silence.

Being there

The ancient resort city of Yongbyon is about 10 miles north of the nuclear site. For centuries, travelers have stopped there on their way to view the fabled Mount Yak San, which is renowned for its lush springtime sea of flowering azaleas.

The nuclear complex, which covers some 50 square miles, was ringed with anti-aircraft batteries. Heavily guarded, it housed several hundred scientists, engineers, and nuclear workers in apartments, office buildings, nuclear laboratories, and other industrial facilities. Started in 1962, the facility underwent significant expansion in the 1980s with the construction of a 5-megawatt nuclear reactor, a nuclear fuel production plant, and a reprocessing plant where plutonium could be extracted from spent fuel rods for use in nuclear weapons.

The chopper landed near the 5-megawatt reactor, amid industrial and office buildings. The site was eerily reminiscent of U.S. nuclear weapons sites. As we stepped off, the head of North Korea's nuclear program, General Li, a military and scientific leader, was there to greet us. Unlike the modest Dr. Li, the gregarious general wore tailored civilian dress clothing and a jaunty wool scarf. He cheerfully escorted us into a building, where we were briefed before making our first inspection.

We were ushered up a couple flights of stairs and into an icy cold lecture room, lit only by sunlight. We kept our coats, hats, and gloves on while a model nuclear fuel rod, about 2 feet long and 3 inches in diameter, was passed around the room for examination. No doubt, something similar was used in the 5-megawatt reactor, which until the Agreed Framework was signed, had made up for coal and fuel oil shortages by providing heat and electricity to North Korea's nuclear elite in this closed village. The grim faces of our hosts, who walked around the room to keep warm, indicated that they now had to live and work in bitter cold like the ordinary people living nearby. The briefing was mercifully short, and we went to have a look at the reactor and the spent fuel.

There was fresh gravel on the ground in front of the reactor building. Since this is common practice at U.S. nuclear weapons sites to cover and shield radioactive contamination, I casually backed away toward an area where any hot spots would not have been covered over. But the noisy chirping from my small radiation detector alerted a guard who gestured, with his hand on his pistol, for me to return to the group. As I was not conducting a safety inspection, I quickly complied.

At the doorway of the reactor building stood an elderly man wearing a white hospital cap. In his hands he held an early Geiger counter, which he used to check our shoes. Glancing at our own radiation instruments, we knew his machine was broken--fortunately, no excess radiation levels were detected.

A small replica of a 1950s British nuclear power plant sat in the reactor room. The Yongbyon reactor, which started up in 1986, used graphite as a moderator and was cooled with pressurized carbon dioxide gas. Its fuel consisted of uranium metal encased in an alloy of magnesium and zirconium. There was no protective dome or secondary containment over the reactor to protect against a catastrophic radiation release, as is usually the case in the United States, South Korea, Japan, and Europe. The reactor vessel was built partially below ground, so that we could stand on its top.

Above the reactor was an overhead crane on a rail, used to place fresh fuel into the reactor's several hundred channels. There the atoms of uranium metal would split, releasing energy and heat. If the reactor ran successfully for a year, about one half of one percent of the 48 tons of uranium fuel would be converted to plutonium 239. When the fuel was used up, the overhead crane would extract the now highly radioactive rods and drop them down a chute into an underground tunnel. Operators would use remote instruments to push them through the tunnel and place them in baskets submerged in a pool of water.

A few of these old-style reactors are still operating, mostly in Britain, but they have been effectively abandoned for less troublesome machines. General Li had trained in Russia after the "Atoms for Peace" program was announced by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1953, so I asked why this reactor design was chosen over Russian reactors (whose designs most resembled U.S. plutonium production reactors). He looked at me with a puzzled expression and replied that this simple design allowed his country to have an indigenous nuclear power program without relying on Russia or on anyone else.

North Korea's nuclear program was true to the country's philosophy of self-sufficiency, or "juche," established by "Great Leader" Kim Il Sung.

A troubled history

North Korea has plenty of pure graphite and a high-grade uranium reserve of more than 26 million tons. The reactor did not require the use of enriched-uranium fuel, the production of which involves a much more complex technology (something that North Korea did not begin striving for until 1998 or perhaps a little earlier). Construction of two much larger reactors of the same design was frozen when the Agreed Framework was signed.

Building this type of reactor was also easier, General Li reasoned, because almost all of its important details had been available in the open literature of the "Atoms for Peace" program since the late 1950s, as were the designs for the Radiochemistry Laboratory, or reprocessing plant, for which Dr. Li was responsible.

The Yongbyon reactor has some similarities to reactors at Russian and U.S. nuclear weapons sites--a graphite moderator and natural uranium metal fuel rods. But there are important differences. Using pressurized carbon dioxide instead of water for cooling reduces the risk of sudden, accidental power surges like that which led to the Chernobyl nuclear catastrophe in 1986. But the reactor's most important feature is that it can more efficiently make plutonium than water-cooled graphite reactors.

The design is not without problems, however. The large size of the fuel core limits the ability to cool the reactor without reducing gas pressure below safe levels of operation. Also, the uranium metal fuel and its cladding can overheat, swell, and fail, causing prolonged shutdowns to remove damaged elements and clean up leaking radioactivity--a process that sometimes takes several months.

We discovered upon visiting the spent fuel storage areas that the reactor had had a troubled operating history. We first inspected a room near the reactor with a thick concrete lid covering most of the floor. Beneath it, in a dry pit, were some 700 damaged rods. Given so many failed fuel elements, we concluded that during its first five years of operation, the Yongbyon reactor had had to shut down for reasons other than refueling.

The remaining 7,700 fuel rods were in a window-lit cinder block building with peeling paint, where they sat in a concrete-lined pool of water roughly the size of a rectangular backyard swimming pool. The entire core had been hastily removed from the reactor in the spring of 1994 after a growing confrontation with the IAEA.

Two years earlier, the agency had found evidence that North Korea had reprocessed more than the 80 grams of plutonium 239 it had officially disclosed. When the IAEA then asked to inspect the reprocessing laboratory and radioactive waste tanks and analyze the spent fuel, North Korea refused, declaring instead that it would withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. But now, tensions were reduced.

Because of the sunlight and seasonal temperatures, there was a layer of algae on the top of the water. We could barely see several rods not so neatly tumbled into the metal baskets, which were stacked two or three upon each other. The water was made murky by a suspension of magnesium oxide--rust from the fuel cladding. It looked something like a diluted form of "Milk of Magnesia" (also a form of magnesium oxide).

Attempts to clean the water and reduce the erosion of the cladding had clogged the filter equipment; it was broken and heavily contaminated. The North Koreans had then added large amounts of sodium hydroxide (lye), a caustic chemical, to try to retard the erosion. Unfortunately, sodium hydroxide can create pinhole leaks in the cladding--exposing the uranium metal to water. Once that happens, the uranium will interact with the moisture and give off flammable and explosive hydrogen. If the uranium fuel is pulled out of the water it may spontaneously ignite.

Our fears about the danger of the North Korean spent fuel were confirmed. The cladding could seriously erode in the not so distant future, allowing highly radioactive materials to escape into the pool, creating a severe radiological hazard. Fires caused by wet uranium added another risk. We left a few days later, sobered by what we had observed.

However, the new, Republican-controlled Congress did not share our urgency, and congressional leaders made no secret of their desire to kill the Agreed Framework. Despite the unprecedented access we were given to the Yongbyon nuclear complex, Congress only grudgingly funded the spent fuel project, which cost about $20 million.

Each individual spent fuel rod was brushed in clean water, rinsed, and placed in a stainless steel tube. To retard the generation of hydrogen, inert gas was injected before the tubes were sealed and tagged for IAEA inspectors. U.S. contractors with special equipment were brought in, and North Korea supplied labor. Because of radiation and fire concerns, the operation involved partitioning the existing pool to allow for an area of clean water where the underwater processing and canning of the rods by remote instruments could be observed. My last visit to North Korea was in January 1995, when we finalized arrangements. Subsequently, I was responsible for hiring contractors and developing the project budget for congressional approval in the fall of 1995.

By October 1997, the spent fuel rods were safely encased in steel containers, under IAEA inspection. The reactor remained closed, construction on two other, larger reactors had stopped, and the reprocessing plant sat idle. After the spent fuel project was established, I went on to other work, leaving my memories locked away like a disturbingly vivid dream.

Today's crisis

Nearly eight years after our first visit, the situation was abruptly transformed. Last October the United States confronted North Korea with the fact that it knew the North was secretly developing gas centrifuge technology to enrich uranium for nuclear weapons. The confrontation escalated over the next six months as the United States took the first step to terminate the Agreed Framework in November, suspending fuel oil shipments. North Korea responded the following month by announcing it would restart plutonium production and again announcing its withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

The Clinton policy of engagement was rejected by the new administration (which also sucker-punched South Korean President Kim Dae Jung and his "sunshine policy" at the same time). The administration insisted that bilateral talks with North Korea were out of the question because the United States would not give in to "nuclear blackmail." And until it agreed to meet with China and North Korea in late April, the administration was sticking to its guns, insisting that it was up to North Korea's neighbors to exert pressure on North Korea to abandon its pursuit of nuclear weapons.

In February 2001, Secretary of State Colin Powell's statement--that the United States would continue to pursue the Agreed Framework--was publicly rejected by the president. By January 2002, Bush named North Korea a charter member of the "axis of evil." And only after 20 months of delay did the administration send its first official delegation to Pyongyang for formal talks in October of last year.

At that meeting, Assistant Secretary of State James Kelly announced that the United States knew about North Korea's "secret" uranium enrichment program, and issued an ultimatum: North Korea had to cease its quest for uranium enrichment technology, or the United States would terminate the Agreed Framework.

Taken by surprise by Kelly's ultimatum, Vice Foreign Minister Kang Sok-Ju ended the meeting. The next morning, Kang responded by claiming that North Korea possesses "more powerful" weapons and insisting that the United States agree to sign a non-aggression pact. Since then the situation has worsened.

It had already been publicly known at least since 1999 that the North Koreans were developing gas centrifuges with Pakistani help--the story had appeared in the Western press, but made the front page only in the Washington Times. Nonetheless, the Bush administration chose to drag its feet for more than 20 months, and then to hold the Agreed Framework hostage by forcing an "all or nothing" confrontation, which has blown up into a major and unexpected crisis.

Where do we go from here?

There is still some time for maneuvering. As for the gas centrifuge program, it takes thousands of high-precision centrifuges with reliable bearings and corrosion-resistant rotating parts of high endurance to make enough enriched uranium for several bombs. One U.S. intelligence official told Nuclear Fuel, a trade publication, in November 2002, that with significant manufacturing assistance "if we assume the DPRK started building machines in earnest a year ago, it might just be able to start" making enough enriched uranium for one weapon per year by 2005.

Based on this assessment, if the North resumes operations at Yongbyon, as it has announced, it could produce enough plutonium to make about 10 times as many plutonium-fueled nuclear weapons as enriched-uranium weapons. Even if the uranium enrichment program is more advanced than everyone assumes, the problem could probably have been worked out at the Pyongyang meeting in October. The Agreed Framework contained provisions that would impose full-scope international safeguards on such activities.

Several estimates indicate that North Korea may have somewhere between 7 and 22 kilograms of separated plutonium, roughly enough to fuel one or more, possibly up to five, nuclear weapons. The most recent estimate (by the CIA in November 1993) concluded that: "North Korea has a 'better than even chance' for 'one or possibly two weapons.'" The North has said, somewhat ambiguously, that it has a nuclear weapon. But the CIA assessment is that there is "a 'low probability' that North Korea has assembled a nuclear weapon."

That is because a plutonium-fueled nuclear weapon requires advanced machining and manufacturing capabilities. Moreover, the weapon has to be imploded by precisely machined high explosives. Given the uncertainties about making a plutonium weapon for the first time, there is no guarantee that it would work without testing.

Skeptics about the North Korean nuclear program include Gen. James Clapper, director of the Defense Intelligence Agency during the 1994 nuclear crisis, quoted by Leon V. Sigal in his 1998 book Disarming Strangers: "Personally, as opposed to institutionally, I was skeptical that they ever had a bomb. . . . We didn't have smoking gun evidence either way. But you build a case for a range of possibilities. In a case like North Korea, you have to apply the most conservative approach, the worst-case scenario."

North Korea's efforts to make more plutonium will not yield results overnight. After more than eight years of dormancy, the startup of the 5-megawatt reactor will be time consuming work. Even before fuel is loaded into the reactor, key equipment, including the reactor controls, the overhead crane that places and removes fuel, the coolant piping, and the electrical systems will have to be checked and possibly repaired or replaced. It would have been difficult to address any repair problems after 1994; it would have violated the freeze, which was monitored on a 24-hour basis by the IAEA, which had permanent inspectors at the site.

Pre-operational startup tests are required to make sure all systems are working and the reactor operators are following procedures. Once it is fueled, the reactor will have to be slowly brought up to full power. And since there was ample evidence that the reactor had a troubled operational history, it may be subject to unexpected shutdowns, for weeks if not months. Even assuming that everything worked perfectly, the reactor would have to operate almost continuously for about a year before it produced enough plutonium for five or six nuclear weapons.

As for using the existing spent fuel from the 5-megawatt reactor, enough time has elapsed for a significant amount of radiation to decay, which reduces the dangers to workers transporting the rods to the reprocessing plant. Frank von Hippel of Princeton University has made a "back of the envelope" calculation suggesting that each rod would give off about one rad per hour. "This dose would allow the rods to be placed on trucks in barrels of water, without incurring fatal doses to the workers," he says.

But once the spent fuel reaches the reprocessing plant, other questions arise regarding North Korea's capability to separate plutonium. The Radiochemistry Laboratory is comparable in size to those used in the United States to separate plutonium for nuclear weapons. Its main feature is a large building made of very thick concrete--it is almost as long as two football fields and six stories high, what is known as a "canyon" at U.S. nuclear weapons sites.

The fuel elements are chopped up inside the canyon and then dissolved in nitric acid. The dissolved fuel is then treated with a mixture of tributyl phosphate and kerosene in several complex steps to extract and purify plutonium and uranium.

Although the Radiochemistry Laboratory is intended to eventually process about 160 tons of spent fuel per year--nearly as much as the United States produced during the early heyday of the nuclear arms race, it has a long way to go before it reaches that level of production. It was in only the early stages of initial startup when its activities were frozen in 1994.

Just as with the 5-megawatt reactor, pre-operational equipment checks, repairs and maintenance, operator training, and small-scale trial runs are required before the plant is fully operational. Based on a 1950s design, the plant requires a significant amount of "hands-on" operations, relying less on the advanced remote controls used in other countries. Hands-on operations are more prone to spills, leaks, and chemical failures. These problems can lead to extended down times, and significant amounts of plutonium going into the waste stream, lowering the overall efficiency of the operation.

In the wake of claims made by North Korea in April at the Beijing talks that it is reprocessing spent reactor fuel, the Bush administration recently directed intelligence agencies to determine if there could be a clandestine operation. "We think they are bluffing," one senior administration official told the New York Times in early May. "But we felt the necessity to go back and review every possibility, in the off chance that we missed something." It's possible that the North Koreans could haul the spent fuel to caves to chemically separate plutonium. Work in this kind of makeshift environment would be even more dangerous and definitely more time-consuming--it would involve handling much smaller batches of rods than the reprocessing plant and using "hot cells" to extract the tiny fraction of plutonium in the spent reactor fuel.

Under either of these circumstances, the time it will take North Korea to separate enough plutonium for several nuclear weapons and be on its way to making more is likely to run to several months, a year, or more.

Regardless of the difficulties, the fierce dedication and willingness of North Koreans to make great sacrifices in order to have a nuclear arsenal should not be underestimated. Consider Pakistan, which continues to endure severe poverty and yet now possesses a growing nuclear weapons stockpile.

The one sure thing the Bush administration may have wanted to do, and the one sure error the administration made, was to try to terminate the Agreed Framework. For all the criticisms that have been leveled against it, the agreement successfully ended North Korean plutonium production for more than eight years. It also initiated the North's slow rapprochement with South Korea and Japan--the first big step toward a nuclear weapons-free Korean Peninsula.

Given the flaws in the Agreed Framework--the plan was to build two large light-water reactors even though the North would be unable to integrate them into its antiquated electrical grid--talks among the United States, China, and North Korea could produce a more workable solution.

Meanwhile, it has been very destructive to exaggerate North Korea's nuclear capabilities, as a number of right-wing ideologues have encouraged the U.S. military and intelligence community to do, simply to advance their arguments in favor of the National Missile Defense program.

At the same time, the United States cannot afford to be complacent, even if North Korea has difficulty in restarting its plutonium program. Within the next several months to a year, the program could be restarted, and the window will have closed for making a bargain that prevents the North from seeking to build nuclear weapons.

Once that happens, the prospects of war on the Korean Peninsula may take center stage, even though the South Korean government has made it clear that it does not support a preemptive U.S. military action. A retaliatory response by North Korea, according to U.S. estimates, could result in more than a million South Korean casualties.

Robert Alvarez served as a senior policy adviser in the Energy Department and is now a senior scholar at the Institute for Policy Studies.

July/August 2003 pp. 38-45 (vol. 59, no. 04) © 2003 Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists